Happiness can be experienced differently in young as compared to older adulthood, possibly due to shifts in temporal focus and differences in preferences for high- versus low-arousal affective states. The current project aimed to replicate initial evidence on age-related differences in the experience of happiness by investigating the positive affective correlates of everyday happiness; we further explored the role of thinking about the future in moderating such associations. We used daily life assessments from 257 participants (Mage = 48.3, SDage = 24.6; 68% female; 77% Asian [East Asian, South Asian, and Southeast Asian]; 73% postsecondary educated), combining four data sets collected at two locations (Vancouver, Canada; Hong Kong) with different age samples (older and younger adults). Participants provided up to 30 repeated daily life assessments of momentary affective states and thoughts about the future, over 10 days. Results replicate previous findings by showing that happiness was more strongly associated with low-arousal positive affect and more weakly associated with high-arousal positive affect among older compared to younger adults. Engagement in thinking about the future was higher among younger compared to older adults in general, but its role in moderating the association between happiness and positive affect varying in arousal levels was confounded by the age moderation. Separate analyses conducted for each age group indicate different roles of everyday thinking about the future in shaping happiness experiences for different age groups. Age and future thinking-related contours of happiness are discussed in the context of emotional aging theories. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2023 APA, all rights reserved).

BACKGROUND AND OBJECTIVES: Extremely hot temperature affects psychological well-being negatively, especially for older adults with lower socioeconomic status (SES). The objectives of this study are to examine: (a) the impact of hot instantaneous temperature on older adults' emotional well-being and (b) whether meaningful engagement could reduce the above impact, particularly for those of lower SES. RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS: We conducted a quantitative time-sampling study during hot-weather months (May-September) in 2021 and 2022. The sample comprises 344 participants aged 60 years or older (Mage = 67.15, SDage = 5.26) living in urban areas of Hong Kong, where hot days (daily maximum temperature ≥33°C) accounted for 23% of the study days. Participants reported positive and negative affect, and engagement in meaningful activities, three times a day over a 10-day period, and wore sensors that tracked the instantaneous temperature of their immediate environment. Multilevel modeling was employed to examine the impacts on affect from temperature, SES, and meaningful activity engagement. RESULTS: Hotter instantaneous temperature predicted greater momentary negative affect and less positive affect immediately afterwards. Meaningful engagement significantly buffered against the affective impacts of hotter temperature, and this buffering effect was more salient among older adults of lower SES. DISCUSSION AND IMPLICATIONS: This study highlights the role of meaningful engagement in reducing the impact of hotter instantaneous temperature on older adults' emotional well-being, particularly for those of lower SES. Meaningful activity engagement may be capitalized on, as a strategy, to reduce climate-related social inequality.

Solitude––the absence of social interaction––can bring both positive and negative experiences. Drawing on self-determination theory, we conducted three experience sampling studies to investigate quality of experience and dispositions associated with activities varying on two dimensions––chosenness (chosen/unchosen) and social context (solitary/interactive). Participants (total N = 283) completed surveys 6–7 times each day over a 7-day period (total: 8,769 surveys). Multilevel modeling confirmed that participants reported the lowest quality momentary experiences when engaged in unchosen (vs. chosen) solitary activities. Further, individuals who spent more time on unchosen solitary activities reported lower meaning in life and satisfaction with life. Extraversion was positively associated with time spent on chosen interactive activities but negatively with chosen solitary activities. Post hoc analyses revealed that people low (vs. high) in extraversion reported lower productivity only during unchosen interactive activities. Chosen (vs. unchosen) solitary activities seem to have a relatively benign impact on quality of experience and well-being.

Loneliness is a recognized risk factor for morbidity and mortality across the adult life span including old age. Loneliness is a negative emotional experience that has been associated with social isolation, but loneliness may also be adaptive to the extent that it signals a need to socially reengage. To reconcile these seemingly contradictory findings, we unpack the timing of the underlying processes by distinguishing between transient and chronic loneliness in shaping prosocial behaviors. Using 10 days of electronic daily life assessments from 100 middle-aged and older adults (Mage = 67.0 years; 64.0% women), findings indicate that chronic loneliness moderates time-varying associations between transient loneliness and prosocial behavior. Simple slope results point to individual differences in daily loneliness-prosocial action associations. Specifically, adults high in chronic loneliness, but not those low in chronic loneliness, showed decreased prosocial behaviors on days with elevated transient loneliness. Findings suggest that chronic loneliness may elicit maladaptive responses to transient loneliness by hampering the use of opportunities to engage in prosocial behavior. Exploratory analyses point to fear of evaluation as a potential mechanism that is associated with increased loneliness and reduced prosocial behavior. Findings highlight the differential roles of transient and chronic loneliness in shaping prosocial activities in midlife and older adulthood, thereby providing a more nuanced picture as well as potential avenues for intervention. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved).

AbstractWith global aging, it is crucial to understand how older adults and the process of aging are viewed by members of society. These attitudes can often influence how older adults are treated. Since the Journal of Gerontology was founded, we have gained increasing insights into attitudes toward aging, with several notable research developments, including clearer conceptualization of different types of aging attitudes (e.g. life-domain-specific attitudes and self-perceptions of aging), a wider variety of measurements, better understanding of how different social determinants shape aging attitudes, and more sophisticated investigations of cultural variance and invariance in aging attitudes. In this article, we highlight these major shifts in the field of aging attitudes in the past 75 years, discuss the contributions of these developments, and point to potential future directions.

Objective: Solitude is a ubiquitous experience, often confused with loneliness, yet sometimes sought out in daily life. This study aimed to identify distinct types of solitude experiences from everyday affect/thought patterns and to examine how and for whom solitude is experienced positively versus negatively. Method: One hundred community-dwelling adults aged 50–85 years (64% female; 56% East Asian, 36% European, 8% other/mixed heritage) and 50 students aged 18–28 years (92% female; 42% East Asian, 22% European, 36% other/mixed) each completed approximately 30 daily life assessments over 10 days on their current and desired social situation, thoughts, and affect. Results: Multilevel latent profile analysis identified two types of everyday solitude: one characterized by negative affect and effortful thought (negative solitude experiences) and one characterized by calm and the near absence of negative affect/effortful thought (positive solitude experiences). Individual differences in social self-efficacy and desire for solitude were associated with everyday positive solitude propensity; trait self-rumination and self-reflection were associated with everyday negative solitude propensity. Conclusions: This study provides a new framework for conceptualizing everyday solitude. It identifies specific affect/thought patterns that characterize distinct solitude experience clusters, and it links these clusters with well-established individual differences. We discuss key traits associated with thriving in solitude.

Objectives: Being alone is often equated with loneliness. Yet, recent findings suggest that the objective state of being alone (i.e. solitude) can have both positive and negative connotations. The present research aimed to examine (1) affective experience in daily solitude; and (2) the association between everyday affect in solitude and well-being. We examined the distinct roles of culture and immigration in moderating these associations. Method: Using up to 35 daily life assessments of momentary affect, solitude, and emotional well-being in two samples (Canada and China), the study compared older adults who aged in place (local Caucasians in Vancouver, Canada and local Hong Kong Chinese in Hong Kong, China) and older adults of different cultural heritages who immigrated to Canada (immigrated Caucasians and immigrated East Asians). Results: We found that older adults of East Asian heritage experienced more positive and less negative affect when alone than did Caucasians. Reporting positive affect in solitude was more positively associated with well-being in older adults who had immigrated to Canada as compared to those who had aged in place. Conclusions:These findings speak to the unique effects of culture and immigration on the affective correlates of solitude and their associations with well-being in old age.

Older adults spend much time in solitude (without social interaction), putting them at risk of loneliness, especially if aging outside their country of origin (e.g. Chinese immigrants to Canada). Yet, cultural contextual factors that may reduce loneliness in moments of solitude are poorly understood. This study sought to disentangle the roles of culture, immigration, and acculturation in solitude‐loneliness associations across two countries. Community‐dwelling adults aged 51–85 in Vancouver (N = 58 East Asian, N = 37 European/North American) and in Hong Kong (N = 56 East/Southeast Asian) completed approximately 30 ecological momentary assessments over 10 days on their current affect and social situations. Participants in Vancouver spent more time in solitude, desired solitude more, and felt less lonely overall than those in Hong Kong. Multilevel models revealed that moments of solitude felt lonelier than moments spent in social interaction, but only for individuals less acculturated to their host culture or not concurrently desiring solitude. Associations held regardless of host culture, cultural heritage, or immigration status. Findings suggest that solitude need not feel lonely if it happens by choice and if individuals feel connected with their host culture, for both immigrant older adults and those aging in their birth country.

Abstract. Information and communication technology (ICT) has the potential to benefit aging processes. This study examined portable ICT usage and associated changes in physical activity, loneliness, and cognitive functioning. Ninety-two mostly-novice tablet-users aged 51–85 years participated in technology workshops and then reported on their portable ICT use biweekly for 6+ months. Physical activity, loneliness, and executive functioning were assessed before and after this period. More frequent use of exercise functions was associated with more moderate-intensity physical activity and less sitting, controlling for pretracking levels. More frequent use of social functions was associated with more social loneliness and a tendency toward less emotional loneliness, controlling for pretracking levels of loneliness. The use of exercise and social functions showed no associations with executive functioning. Portable ICT thus may bring both risks and benefits for physical and social functioning in older adulthood.

Background: Spending time alone constitutes a ubiquitous part of our everyday lives. As we get older, alone time increases. Less is known, however, about age differences in the experience of spending time alone (momentary solitude). Objectives: We examined time-varying associations between momentary solitude, affect quality, and two hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal axis activity markers [salivary cortisol; dehydroepiandrosterone sulfate (DHEAs)] to better understand the affective and biological correlates of momentary solitude across the adult life span. Method: a total of 185 adults aged 20-81 years (mean age = 49 years, 51% female, 74% Caucasian) completed questionnaires on momentary solitude (alone vs. not alone) and current affect on a handheld device, and provided concurrent saliva samples up to seven times a day for 10 consecutive days. Data were analyzed using multilevel models, controlling for the overall amount of time participants spent alone during the study (overall solitude). Results: Greater overall solitude was associated with decreased average high arousal positive affect and increased average cortisol and DHEAs levels. Momentary solitude was associated with reduced high arousal positive affect, increased low arousal positive affect, and increased low arousal negative affect. Age by momentary solitude interactions indicate that greater age was associated with increased high arousal positive affect and reduced low arousal negative affect during momentary solitude. Furthermore, momentary solitude was associated with increased cortisol and DHEAs. With greater age, the association between momentary solitude and cortisol weakened. Conclusion: Consistent with the negative connotations to loneliness and objective social isolation, greater overall solitude was associated with negative affective and biological correlates. Spending a large overall amount of time alone in old age might thus have negative ramifications for health and well-being. Momentary solitude, in contrast, can be a double-edged sword as evidenced by both positive and negative well-being implications. Importantly, greater age is linked to more favorable affective and biological correlates of momentary solitude. The momentary state of spending time alone is thus an experience that is not necessarily negative and that may improve with aging.

AbstractObjectiveAlthough research often relies on retrospective affect self‐reports, little is known about personality's role in retrospective reports and how these converge or deviate from affect reported in the moment. This micro‐longitudinal study examines personality (Neuroticism, Extraversion) and emotional salience (peak and recent affect) associations with retrospective‐momentary affect report discrepancies over different time frames.MethodParticipants were 179 adults aged 20–78 (M = 48.7 years; 73.7% Caucasian/White) who each provided up to 60 concurrent affect reports over 10 days, then retrospectively reported overall intensity of each affective state after 1 day and again after 1–2 months.ResultsMultilevel models revealed that individuals retrospectively overreported or underreported various affective states, exhibiting peak associations for high arousal positive and negative affect, recency associations for low arousal positive affect, and distinct personality profiles that strengthened over time. Individuals high in both Extraversion and Neuroticism exaggerated high arousal positive and negative affect and underreported low arousal positive affect, high Extraversion/low Neuroticism individuals exaggerated high arousal positive affect and underreported low arousal positive affect, and low Extraversion/high Neuroticism individuals exaggerated high and low arousal negative affect.ConclusionsThis study is the first to identify arousal‐specific retrospective affect report discrepancies over time and suggests retrospective reports also reflect personality differences in affective self‐knowledge.

AbstractThe integration of photogrammetric images and lidar data is becoming a powerful procedure that can be applied in the optimisation of photogrammetric mapping techniques. The complementary nature of lidar and photogrammetric data optimises the performance of many procedures used to extract 3D spatial information from data. For example, photogrammetric imagery enables the accurate extraction of building borders and lidar provides accurate 3D points that give information on the physical surfaces of buildings. These properties demonstrate the usefulness of combining the two types of data to achieve a more robust and complete reconstruction of 3D objects. Photogrammetric procedures require the exterior orientation parameters (EOPs) of the images to extract mapping information. Despite the availability of GPS/INS systems, which greatly assist in direct georeferencing of the imagery, the majority of commercially available photogrammetric systems require control information in order to carry out photogrammetric mapping. Due to improvements in the accuracy of lidar systems in recent years, lidar data is considered a viable source of photogrammetric control. Point features are the principal source of control for photogrammetric triangulation, although linear features and planar patches have also been used. This paper presents a method of georeferencing photogrammetric images using lidar data. The method uses the centroids of rectangular building roofs as control points in the photogrammetric procedure. The centroid of a rectangular building roof derived using lidar data is equivalent to a single control point with 3D coordinates, and can therefore be used in traditional photogrammetric systems. Two photogrammetric experiments were carried out to verify the feasibility of the methodology. The results obtained from these experiments confirm the feasibility of applying the proposed methodology to the georeferencing of photogrammetric images using lidar data.